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今天的泛讀文章是關(guān)于經(jīng)濟(jì)的和社會(huì)的公平economic and social justice，是考研英語(yǔ)閱讀經(jīng)常涉及的話(huà)題。確切來(lái)講這是一個(gè)書(shū)評(píng)《不平等：怎么辦？》Inequality: What Can Be Done?，不平等研究的教父安東尼·阿特金森筆下的這個(gè)日趨嚴(yán)重的問(wèn)題Anthony Atkinson, the godfather of inequality research, on a growing problem。來(lái)看一下具體內(nèi)容：

CONTEMPORARY books on inequality are divided into those published “BC”, or before “Capital in the Twenty-First Century” by Thomas Piketty, or “AP”, for after Piketty. His study of rising wealth and income inequality caused a storm when it was published in Englishand became an international bestseller. The book did an excellent job of focusing people's minds on the subject. It also set the lines of empirical battle and even offered a possible remedy: a global tax on wealth. If Mr Piketty whetted the public's appetite for discussions of inequality, he also made it far more difficult for subsequent authors to say something new and original about it.

以皮克迪《資本在21世紀(jì)》為結(jié)點(diǎn)，現(xiàn)代關(guān)于不平等的書(shū)籍，可以分為出版在其之前的和出版在其之后的兩類(lèi)。他關(guān)于財(cái)富和收入日漸不平等的著作英文版，于2014年問(wèn)世，之后便掀起了一場(chǎng)風(fēng)暴，并成為了一本國(guó)際暢銷(xiāo)書(shū)。在把人們的思想聚焦于這個(gè)問(wèn)題方面，這本書(shū)做了一個(gè)相當(dāng)不錯(cuò)的工作。同時(shí)，它還為不平等的實(shí)證爭(zhēng)論劃定了界線(xiàn)，甚至還提出了一個(gè)可能的解決方案：一項(xiàng)全球性的財(cái)富稅。如果說(shuō)皮克迪激起了公眾對(duì)于不平等討論的胃口，他還使得后來(lái)的作者非常難以就這個(gè)討論提出新穎獨(dú)到的觀點(diǎn)。

Sir Anthony is more radical than Mr Piketty. He believes government should meddle in markets in all sorts of ways to influence the distribution of economic rewards. Sir Anthony's recommendations are a throwback to the 1960s and 1970s, when trade unions were a dominant force in politics and the state was seen as a much-needed check on markets. Even the most egalitarian economists, such as Mr Piketty, are reluctant to recommend employment guarantees and wage controls. Sir Anthony is not. And if his arguments are not always wholly convincing, he may nonetheless succeed in shifting the debate.

在是否需要政府干預(yù)的議題上，Sir Anthony比皮克迪更加激進(jìn)。他認(rèn)為政府應(yīng)該采用多種途徑去介入市場(chǎng)，從而對(duì)報(bào)酬的分配施加影響力。他建議回到60-70年代那種工會(huì)是政治的主導(dǎo)力量、國(guó)家被視為一個(gè)非常必要的市場(chǎng)制衡力量的時(shí)代。即便是像皮克迪這樣的最具平等思想的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家，也在推薦就業(yè)保障和工資控制方面顯得猶豫不決。安東尼爵士不是這樣。如果說(shuō)他的論據(jù)并不總是完全令人信服，但是他在轉(zhuǎn)換爭(zhēng)論方面可能是成功的。

這本書(shū)開(kāi)篇便對(duì)日漸擴(kuò)大的收入差距帶來(lái)的不良影響給出了確定的態(tài)度，認(rèn)為那不公平的對(duì)待了那些命不好的人，也消弱了經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)和社會(huì)凝聚力。最重要是，經(jīng)濟(jì)資源分配的不公平直接轉(zhuǎn)化為個(gè)人發(fā)展機(jī)遇的不平等。泛讀是對(duì)背景知識(shí)的必要補(bǔ)充，在復(fù)習(xí)真題的同時(shí)，也要注意泛讀的積累。預(yù)祝大家復(fù)習(xí)順利，旗開(kāi)得勝。